Priayi yang Menikung Jalan

Tempo, 14/XXXIIIIII/28 Mei - 03 Juni 2007

Buku yang memberikan gambaran tentang priayi yang sanggup mempopuliskan kepriayiannya. Biografi Umar Kayam yang cukup kaya.

Manusia Ulang-alik: Biografi Umar Kayam
Penulis: Ahmad Nashih Luthfi
Penerbit: Eja Publisher, Yogyakarta, April 2007
Tebal: xxvii + 186 halaman

Inilah buku yang menarik dibaca. Manusia Ulang-alik: Biografi Umar Kayam tidak kering, juga tidak romantik—sebagaimana umumnya buku biografi di sini. Ia memberikan gambaran umum sekaligus kejutan-kejutan detail dalam pembahasan yang obyektif.

Ya, inilah Umar Kayam. Lewat magnum opus-nya, Sang Priyayi dan Jalan Menikung, ia mengentak jagat budaya Jawa. Tokoh Lantip, yang dalam beberapa hal mirip dengan diri sendiri, melakukan penafsiran kembali terhadap dunia priayi. Dunia kelas menengah Jawa ini dibolak-balik, diaduk dan dibangun kembali dari dalam. "Sejarah keluarga" ini kemudian berlanjut pada buku berikutnya, Jalan Menikung. Dalam buku yang kedua ini, priayi kembali didiskursuskan, kali ini dengan lingkup budaya global yang penuh kontradiksi dan kontestasi, mulai dari Amerika, Islam, dan Yahudi, sebagaimana tampak pada pergulatan batin dua tokoh utamanya, Eko dan Claire.

Lebih jauh ia sendiri pernah menyatakan bahwa kedua bukunya itu ditulis untuk membantah pandangan para sejarawan dan antropolog asing. Sasaran tembaknya jelas dan tidak main-main: Clifford Geertz, yang dalam karya klasiknya, The Religion of Java, membagi masyarakat Jawa secara trikotomis— santri, priayi, dan abangan. Di mata Kayam, seperti disiratkan dalam kedua bukunya, priayi adalah kelompok masyarakat yang kompleks dan memiliki sifat pragmatis. Di balik hedonismenya, mereka masih memiliki kesadaran kultural untuk menciptakan "struktur solidaritas" dengan wong cilik serta pengertian spiritual terhadap hal-hal yang sakral.

Dilahirkan dari keluarga Sastrosoekoetjo yang priayi Mangkunegaran, ia mengalami masa kecil yang menyenangkan. Pendidikan pertamanya adalah voorklas (TK). Setamat dari sana ia melanjutkan ke HIS Siswo Mangkunegaran, sekolah dasar untuk anak priayi, guna menyiapkan priayi-priayi gubernemen pemerintah kolonial Belanda. Di sekolah ini karakter kejawaannya (baca: kepriayiannya) mulai terbentuk, terutama karena sekolah ini mewajibkan semua muridnya berbicara dalam bahasa Jawa halus (krama).

Ia kuliah di Yogyakarta, beraktivitas dengan pegiat teater seperti Rendra, Subagyo Sastrowardoyo, Nung Simanungkalit, lalu terbang ke Universitas Cornell. Ia mengambil gelar doktor, juga mengasah proses kreatifnya. Senarai Seribu Kunang-kunang di Manhattan, karyanya yang lahir di sana, dianggap Faruk H.T. sebagai bukti bahwa kecermatan Kayam dalam memotret situasi kehidupan orang metropolis di Amerika sulit ditandingi, bahkan oleh sastrawan sekaliber Budi Darma, Satyagraha Hoerip, dan Kuntowijoyo.

Ia terus berkarya, mengajar, menjadi birokrat—Dirjen Radio, Televisi, dan Film—bahkan bermain film. Pada pertengahan dekade 1980, Umar Kayam tampil sebagai Bung Karno dalam film ideologis Orde Baru, Pengkhianatan G30S-PKI. Sesuatu yang membuat sebagian kalangan menudingnya telah "berkhianat", "berselingkuh" dengan pemerintah.

Namun sosok yang sering dianggap sebagai the last priayi ini agaknya telah memilih dengan sadar. Ia paham betul dengan tugas kaum intelektual, sebagaimana yang disebutkan oleh Martin Heidegger: kaum intelektual harus mempunyai ikatan kepada volkgemeinschaft, mengambil bagian dalam keseluruhan usaha masyarakat sebagai anggota bangsa. Dalam kerangka berpikir seperti inilah kita bisa memahami mengapa ia mau mengambil berbagai peran dalam kehidupannya, mulai dari budaya, sastra, hingga politik.

Secara historiografis, buku ini sangat menarik. Penulisnya dengan lihai menjaring historical consciousness melalui penekanan pada Umar Kayam on aware of becoming and not only being. Kekayaan detail, sebagai syarat utama sebuah biografi, tampak dari narasumber yang dipakainya, mulai dari istri, saudara, hingga koleganya seperti S.M. Ardan dan Prof Dr Rachmat Djoko Pradopo.

Tampak, penulis mendekati tokohnya dengan teori dasar Freud, childhood is the father of a man. Dengan kerangka berpikir ini, akar kebudayaan sang tokoh bisa dilacak dan dinilai dari masa kecilnya. Kepriayian yang mewarnai masa kecilnya justru menjadi semacam epiphany, turning points moments, atau momen krisis bagi kehidupan pribadinya begitu ia menyaksikan perubahan dunia yang sedemikian cepat dan menuntut sikap adaptif. Dengan begitu, ia menjadi priayi yang kritis, untuk kemudian memilih menikung jalan: mempopuliskan priayi.

Karya ini, sebagaimana buku sejarah pada umumnya, memang masih menyisakan banyak pertanyaan, sebuah tanda yang sebenarnya sangat baik. Ya, seperti dikatakan Bakdi Soemanto dalam pengantar buku ini, "Umar Kayam adalah sosok yang tidak pernah basi dibicarakan. Sebab, ia sosok yang memancarkan cahaya dari berbagai sudut. Ia ibarat sebuah prisma."

Muhammad Yuanda Zara

The Islamic Traditions of Cirebon

Ibadat and Adat Among Javanese Muslims

A.G. Muhaimin

ISBN 1 920942 30 0 (Print version) $24.95 (GST inclusive)
ISBN 1 920942 31 9 (Online)

This work deals with the socio-religious traditions of the Javanese Muslims living in Cirebon, a region on the north coast in the eastern part of West Java. It examines a wide range of popular traditional religious beliefs and practices. The diverse manifestations of these traditions are considered in an analysis of the belief system, mythology, cosmology and ritual practices in Cirebon. In addition, particular attention is directed to the formal and informal institutionalised transmission of all these traditions.

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Out of the Ashes: Destruction and Reconstruction of East Timor

Edited by James J Fox and Dionisio Babo Soares

304 pp
ISBN 0 9751229 0 8 (Online document)
ISBN 0 9751229 1 6 (Print version) $24.95 (GST inclusive)

Out of the Ashes is a collection of essays that examine the historical background to developments in East Timor and provide political analysis on the initial reconstruction stage in the country's transition to independence. The volume is divided into three thematic sections – background, assessment and reconstruction – bringing together the experiences and knowledge of academic researchers and key participants in the extraordinary events of 1999 and 2000.

After years of Indonesian rule, the people of East Timor voted to reject an offer of autonomy choosing instead independence from Indonesia. This decision enraged pro-integrationist militia who, backed by the Indonesian military, launched a program of violence and destruction against the inhabitants of East Timor. President Habibie eventually agreed to the presence of a United Nations peace-keeping force, but by this stage East Timor had been ravaged by destruction.

The new East Timorese government faced the challenges of the future with an understanding that the successful struggle for independence was both a culmination and a starting point for the new nation. As the events of 1999 recede, many of the issues and challenges highlighted in Out of the Ashes remain of central significance to the future of East Timor. These essays provide essential reading for students and interested observers of the first new nation of the 21st century.

James J. Fox is Director of the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies at The Australian National University. He has been doing research on Timor since 1965. He was an international observer for the Carter Center during the popular consultation in 1999 and was a member of the UN-World Bank Joint Assessment Mission to East Timor later in that year. He has continued his involvement in developments in East Timor.

Dionisio Babo Soares is a doctoral student in anthropology in the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies at The Australian National University. His research is focused on local political and social developments in East Timor during the transition to independence. He is currently working for the Asia Foundation in East Timor.

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The Second Front: Inside Asia's Most Dangerous Terrorist Network

Oleh Ken Conboy

Puluhan tahun sebelum al-Qaeda terbentuk, kelompok radikal berbasis agama di Asia Tenggara telah membangun alas bagi sebuah perjuangan untuk mewujudkan satu utopia kehidupan seperti masa lalu. Buku ini mengupas tentang Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), sebuah organisasi rahasia yang jangkauannya mencapai enam negara dan senantias berorientasi pada tindakan serius terhadap situasi-situasi yang tidak sejalan dengan Islam dan yang tidak mentolerir keberadaan Islam.

Dalam buku The Second Front: Inside Asia’s Most Dangerous Terrorist Network, penulis yang spesialis buku laris, Ken Conboy, merekonstruksi potongan-potongan informasi dari mulai perencanaan hingga pelaksanaan operasi JI berdasarkan wawancara-wawancara eksklusif serta laporan-laporan berkategori rahasia. Ada begitu banyak rincian yang belum pernah diungkap sebelumnya, termasuk apa yang ada di benak para pemimpin kelompok tersebut - dari pakar peledak Azahari hingga perwakilan al-Qaeda, Hambali. Mulai dari bayang-bayang Hindu Kush hingga ke medan-medan pertempuran di pulau-pulau rempah, The Second Front mengupas tabir kerahasiaan serta rekam-jejak keberhasilan upaya-upaya penumpasan jaringan ini, serta memaparkan kegagalan pengurus negara-negara di wilayah Asia mencegah tindakan terorisme serta tindak kekerasan sektarian yang telah mengambil banyak korban jiwa.

Tentang Penulis

Ken Conboy, penulis buku laris INTEL: Inside Indonesia’s Intelligence Service dan KOPASSUS: Inside Indonesia’s Special Forces, adalah seorang manajer sebuah perusahaan konsultan resiko dan keamanan di Jakarta, Risk Management Advisory. Sebelumnya ia bekerja sebagai Wakil Direktur Pusat Studi Asia, the Asian Studies Center, sebuah kelompok pemikir (think-tank) yang berpengaruh di Washington, DC, dimana ia bertugas menyusun makalah-makalah kebijakan untuk Kongres AS dan pengurus negara AS menyangkut keterkaitan strategis ekonomik AS dengan negara-negara di Asia Selatan dan Asia Tenggara. Conboy adalah lulusan dari School of Foreign Service, Universitas Goergetown, serta School of Advanced International Studies, Universitas Johns Hopkins. Conboy juga adalah seorang pengajar tamu pada Universitas Chulalongkorn, Bangkok, dan bermukim di Indonesia sejak 1992.

Mahabharata dan Wayang dalam Komik Kosasih

Umi Kulsum

Kompas - Pustakaloka, Senin, 11 Juni 2007

Bagi orang Indonesia, kisah Mahabharata dan Ramayana adalah bagian dari cerita wayang yang telah sangat familiar, khususnya di pedesaan Pulau Jawa. Akan tetapi, siapakah orang yang memperkenalkan kedua epos India tersebut dalam bentuk komik? Adalah RA Kosasih yang telah berjasa membuat kisah yang "berat" itu menjadi ringan bagi orang Indonesia, terutama generasi sebelum tahun 1990-an.

RA Kosasih, pria kelahiran Bogor tahun 1919, telah menjadikan kisah yang sebelumnya eksklusif—karena hanya orang yang terdidik atau kelompok penggemar wayang yang mengerti tentang Mahabharata—menjadi memasyarakat. Melalui komik Mahabharata, epos kepahlawanan itu kini menjadi milik semua orang.

Kisah Mahabharata berasal dari India dan konon ditulis oleh Begawan Vyasa sejak abad ke-4 sebelum Masehi. Dalam perjalanannya kemudian prosa yang berbahasa Sanskerta itu disalin dalam beberapa bahasa, termasuk bahasa Jawa Kuno. Di Indonesia, Balai Pustakalah yang pertama kali menerbitkannya dalam bahasa Indonesia.

Diinspirasi wayang

Melalui Kosasih, epik asli India itu seolah menjadi kisah asli Indonesia karena dari kostum dan setting cerita dibuat sangat Indonesia. Kosasih mengakui bahwa penggambaran cerita klasik itu diinspirasi oleh pertunjukan wayang yang sudah ada. Kegemarannya menonton wayang, khususnya wayang golek, membuatnya mudah memahami berbagai karakter dalam kisah itu.

Ia mengakui, semua deskripsi tokoh dalam komiknya meniru wayang golek dan wayang orang yang telah ada. Misalnya saja tokoh Arjuna yang rupawan dan Rahwana yang menyeramkan dia tiru dari karakter dan penampilan dalam pertunjukan wayang orang.

Tidak terpikirkan oleh Kosasih sebelumnya bahwa dia sudah menciptakan suatu media baru bagi kisah Mahabharata dan wayang menjadi sebuah goresan komik yang dapat dinikmati semua orang. Kisah Mahabharata yang sarat petuah hidup dapat ditransfer oleh Kosasih dalam pemaparan yang luwes, ringan tanpa menghilangkan filosofi yang ada di dalamnya.

Jasa terbesar Kosasih adalah membuat kisah Mahabharata yang cukup pelik dalam prosanya sehingga menjadi mudah dicerna dan ringan dibaca oleh semua lapisan masyarakat. Jika pertunjukan wayang hanya dinikmati oleh sebagian orang khususnya di Pulau Jawa, komik Mahabharata membuat penokohan wayang dikenali oleh masyarakat Indonesia.

Komik wayang ini lahir dari keinginan untuk menjadikan komik sebagai bacaan yang layak dihadirkan pada masyarakat. Pada awal tahun 1950-an, Indonesia dibanjiri oleh komik Amerika, meski komikus Indonesia termasuk Kosasih mencoba membuat komik lokal tetapi masih imitasi komik Amerika. Oleh karena itu, kalangan pendidik menolak komik, termasuk komik lokal yang dianggap tidak mendidik dan hanya meniru budaya Barat.

Menghadapi tantangan demikian, Penerbit Melodi dan beberapa komikus Indonesia saat itu memikirkan sebuah komik yang sarat dengan nilai dan wajah lokal atau Indonesia. Maka, terpilihlah kisah Ramayana dan Mahabharata yang sudah dianggap sebagai bagian dari nilai budaya Indonesia. Diadaptasi lewat suguhan wayang yang lekat dengan budaya asli Indonesia, kini Mahabharata dan Ramayana tampil dalam format komik.

Selain Kosasih, Johnlo pernah membuat komik wayang berjudul Raden Palasara, tetapi yang kemudian produktif membuat komik wayang adalah Kosasih. Dalam waktu yang bersamaan dengan komik Mahabharata, Ardisoma juga membuat komik wayang dengan gambar yang lebih rinci dan memiliki style.

Namun, komik Kosasih jauh lebih disukai karena gambarnya yang lebih sederhana, lugu tetapi tetap menarik dan berkesan bagi pembacanya. Selain itu, cara penyampaian yang gamblang dan mudah dicerna membuat filsafat "berat" yang ada di dalamnya mudah diserap pembaca.

Munculnya komik wayang pada tahun 1954-1955 ternyata disambut sangat antusias oleh masyarakat saat itu, hingga menggeser komik Amerika. Bahkan, pasar komik Amerika di Indonesia hancur dan digantikan oleh komik lokal.

Komik wayang mencapai masa keemasannya hingga tahun 1960-an. Dalam masa jayanya, komik Mahabharata dicetak sekitar 30.000 setiap pekannya dan didistribusikan hingga ke luar Jawa. Serial komik Mahabharata diselesaikan oleh Kosasih dalam waktu dua tahun, karena cerita itu memang sangat panjang.

Pada tahun 1972, penerbit Maranatha Bandung menerbitkan ulang serial Mahabharata, tetapi tidak menggunakan naskah yang lama, karena pemilik hak cipta, yaitu Penerbit Melodi, tidak ingin menjual masternya.

Oleh karena itu, Kosasih membuat ulang Mahabharata di atas kertas kalkir agar dapat langsung dicetak di pelat. Kelemahannya adalah detailnya tidak sebagus yang pertama ketika dibuat di kertas gambar. Hingga tahun 1980-an peredaran komik wayang masih cukup baik, sampai akhirnya masuk komik Jepang.

Pada akhir 1990-an Maranatha masih menerbitkan komik wayang, tetapi baik jumlah maupun peredarannya tidak sebagus awalnya.

Pada awal tahun 2000, penerbit Elex Media Komputindo menerbitkan ulang semua komik wayang karya Kosasih dalam format kecil seperti umumnya komik terbitan penerbit ini. Sayangnya, demi alasan ongkos produksi, keindahan gambar Kosasih tidak tampak lagi di sana, bahkan Seno Gumira Ajidarma menyebutnya sebagai tidak menghargai karya besar Kosasih.

Bapak Komik Indonesia

Kosasih belajar menggambar secara otodidak. Ia sering kali mengisi waktu luangnya, baik di rumah maupun di kantor ketika menjadi pegawai pemerintah waktu itu, dengan menggambar. Pada waktu menjadi pegawai di Kebun Raya Bogor, Kosasih mendapat tugas menggambar binatang dan tanaman. Dari sinilah hobi menggambarnya makin berkembang. Dan, ketika pada suatu hari ia membaca lowongan di iklan kecil, Kosasih pun melamar menjadi komikus pada Penerbit Melodi, Bandung.

Awalnya, dia mengadaptasi komik Amerika, yaitu Sri Asih yang mirip dengan tokoh komik Amerika berjudul Wonder Woman. Oleh Marcel Bonnef, peneliti komik Indonesia, Sri Asih dianggap sebagai penanda munculnya komik Indonesia. Sebelumnya hanya ada komik strip, sedangkan Sri Asih dicetak dalam bentuk buku. Bahkan, Kosasih dianggap sebagai Bapak Komik Indonesia, sebagai pelopor munculnya komik lokal Indonesia.

Ketika merencanakan membuat komik wayang, Kosasih tidak berpikir bahwa dia menciptakan sebuah genre baru dalam khazanah budaya Indonesia. Dia mentransformasikan dua karya budaya yang bernilai tinggi, wayang asli Indonesia dengan epos terbesar dalam sejarah yaitu Mahabharata, menjadi sebuah komik.

Bagi penggemar komik di masa lalu, nama Kosasih pasti tidak asing lagi karena dia yang memperkenalkan kisah Mahabharata dengan sangat komunikatif pada pembaca.

Seperti diakui oleh Seno Gumira Ajidarma bahwa jasa terbesar Kosasih adalah mentransformasikan nilai filosofis yang berat dalam prosa Mahabharata sehingga menjadi ringan dan mudah dibaca dalam komik tanpa kehilangan makna, sekaligus dia sudah membuat ribuan orang mengenal Mahabharata. "Waktu kecil saya jadi tahu Mahabharata dari komik Kosasih. Saya enggak mungkin mampu baca prosanya yang setebal kitab suci itu," tutur Seno.

Kosasih juga diakui mampu menampilkan karakter tokoh dalam goresan tangannya. Ketika ditanya bagaimana dia menghadirkan karakter dalam komiknya, kakek satu cucu ini menjawab, "Saya hanya mengikuti perasaan saya saja ketika menggambarkan masing-masing tokoh."

Kosasih mengisahkan, munculnya ide membuat komik wayang karena di satu sisi pada awal tahun 1950-an banyak yang mengkritik komik itu bersifat "kebarat-baratan" dan tidak memiliki muatan lokal.

Terinspirasi oleh kisah yang disajikan dalam wayang, pengagum Gatotkaca ini mengajukan ide membuat komik wayang Mahabharata. Setelah menemukan buku prosa Mahabharata berbahasa Indonesia, Kosasih memulai kreativitasnya mencipta tokoh tersebut dalam komik.

Sebelum membuat serial Mahabharata, Kosasih lebih dulu meluncurkan Ramayana yang mendapat sambutan baik di pasar. Dia akui, komik wayangnya mengambil Mahabharata versi India, karena itu tidak ada punakawan seperti kisah wayang di Jawa. Meski demikian, Kosasih tetap mempertimbangkan budaya pembaca Indonesia.

Setelah menyelesaikan Ramayana dan Mahabharata, pada tahun 1970-an Kosasih membuat komik wayang Bomantara, Parikesit, dan Arjuna Sasrabahu. Ketika pesona komik wayang mulai pudar, Kosasih membuat komik yang diangkat dari legenda asli Indonesia, seperti Lutung Kasarung. Hingga tahun 1980-an Kosasih telah menghasilkan puluhan komik, namun sayangnya saat ini dia tidak ingat lagi angka pasti komik yang dibuatnya, termasuk honor pertamanya sebagai komikus.

Kemampuan fisiknya telah membatasinya berkarya sehingga sejak tahun 1990 Kosasih sudah tidak membuat komik lagi. "Tangan saya gemetar ketika menggambar. Kalau dipaksa gambarnya jelek," ujarnya.

Kini, harinya-harinya hanya diisi dengan membaca koran dan melakukan aktivitas ringan di rumah putrinya di wilayah Rempoa, Ciputat. Namun, Kosasih bersyukur, menjelang umur 90 tahun dia masih tampak bugar untuk orang seusianya. (Litbang Kompas)

Colonial 'Reformation' in the Highlands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, 1892-1995

Book Review by by Roxana Waterson; Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 33, 2002. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000. Pp. xii, 279. Maps, Photographs, Notes, Bibliography, Index

Albert Schrauwers. Colonial 'Reformation' in the Highlands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia 1892-1995

Central Sulawesi for a long time remained peripheral to Dutch interests in the Netherlands East Indies; little was known about the peoples living there, who were left to their own devices. The close of the nineteenth century, however, brought a sudden change in this state of affairs. In the 1890s, a gold rush in Northern Sulawesi prompted widespread prospecting in parts of Central Sulawesi not yet under Dutch control, and Dutch concerns mounted about the possibility of other colonial claims being made in the area. By 1895, a con troleur and ten-man garrison had been established at Poso -- a tenuous and ineffective beginning to Dutch administrative control. Subsequently, in 1905, the Dutch found sufficient reason to mount military expeditions against the South Sulawesi kingdoms of Bone and Luwu,' and after this the whole of Sulawesi was soon incorporated under their control.

Central Sulawesi occupies a somewhat unusual position in Indonesian ethnography. In 1892 the Netherlands Missionary Society appointed two men, Albert C. Kruyt and Nicholaus Adriani, to open a mission post at Poso. Kruyt and Adriani, both notable scholars, exemplified a radically new approach to missionisation, one that relied heavily on the ethnographic study of the society to be converted. Although they failed to make a single convert for fifteen years, they compiled some of the most massive ethnographies ever written, as well as dictionaries and grammars. It was they who classified the peoples of Central Sulawesi as 'Toraja (a label that was later to be rejected by all except the Sa'dan Toraja of South Sulawesi). Their three volumes about the 'East (or Bare'e) Toraja who today call themselves To Pamona, form the subject of Albert Schrauwers' book, while four volumes on the 'West Toraja' (comprising a number of groups who now prefer to be separately named, principally the To Kaili, To Kulawi, and To Lore) ma de these two of the most thoroughly documented areas of the outer islands at the time.

Ironically, after this initial explosion of ethnographic inquiry almost the entire century was to elapse before any new studies appeared to document the enormous transformations that Central Sulawesi societies had by that time undergone. Schrauwers' work is based on thorough archival research in the Netherlands, as well as two years of fieldwork with the To Pamona -- much of it inescapably spent in attendance at church services and prayer meetings. This book is thus to be welcomed warmly as one of the most detailed analyses so far, both of how these transformations were wrought, and of the sometimes surprising continuities of social organisation and values that, in spite of such radical change, can still be discerned in To Pamona society today. Schrauwers begins with an examination of the Dutch 'tribe' at the close of the nineteenth century, which sheds light on the very particular combination of political and religious ideas that the missionaries brought with them to Central Sulawesi. He then goes on to prov ide a close analysis of the colonial incorporation of the region, the problems experienced by the mission, and the pressures to which local 'culture' and 'religion' have more recently been obliged to conform under the politics of Suharto's New Order era.

Kruyt and Adriani's aim was to find a way of integrating Christianity into local social structures, in order eventually to transform them. The influence of the new colonial administration was to aid them considerably in this endeavour. Several features of indigenous social arrangements -- notably, longhouse residence, headhunting, and the exhumation of the bones of the dead for the celebration of secondary funerals -- appeared especially objectionable to the colonial authorities, and their prohibition by the Dutch government was bound to lead to profound social dislocation. As in many other parts of the archipelago, the inhabitants were quickly obliged to move from their original villages, located on defensible mountain tops, to more easily supervised sites on the valley floor, where they were at the same time made to give up swidden farming and receive instruction in wet rice agriculture. Furthermore, a vital feature of the To Pamona's indigenous religion, one which was hardly likely to find favour with the patriarchal outlook of their Dutch Calvinist mentors, was the importance of female shamans, who undertook soul journeys in trance in order to cure illness. Within Kruyt's evolutionist theories of religion, this aspect of To Pamona practice was condemned as its most 'primitive' and superstitious manifestation, and women were to be systematically excluded by him from positions of authority in the church.

The central section of the book gives an ethnographically rich picture of contemporary kinship relations within and between households, the distribution of land, and patterns of 'shared poverty'. These, Schrauwers argues -- far from being evidence of a residual 'peasant' mentality standing in the way of capitalist penetration -- have evolved in conjunction with economic transformations, specifically the Dutch engineered switch from swidden to wet rice cultivation. Nor does shared poverty preclude the creation and maintenance of hierarchical relations between elder and younger kin. A wide variety of strategies are used to move members of the extended kin group between households in a way that creates patron-client relations between wealthier senior members and the children of more marginal households, who are frequently taken in as dependants. The persistence of tradition is partly revealed in the continued importance of exchange networks based upon the extended kin group.

One major context for the functioning of these networks is in the arrangement of marriage ceremonies, which become a means by which older and wealthier 'patrons' demonstrate generosity while 'investing' in their younger dependants, over whose loyalties they can then claim greater control. Whereas in precolonial society secondary funerals were the most important rituals, weddings have now taken their place as the most spectacular social occasions, as among the Bugis of South Sulawesi. They provide key opportunities for sponsors to build their social reputations as feast-givers. Within the overarching ideology of generosity, which prohibits any appearance of calculation, the actual necessity for a judicious balancing of one's giving and receiving is nicely revealed through the book's case studies. At the same time, Schrauwers shows how the system tends toward inflation over time -- much like the feasting economy of the Sa'dan Toraja, which has retained its original focus on funerals. The embedding of individual s in these exchange networks remains as inescapable for the To Pamona as it is for the Toraja, even though their social duties may be felt as burdensome. Rather than defining these relations as wholly traditional, however, Schrauwers points out the extent to which in fact they represent a commodification of relationships, as well as a form of 'insurance' of subsistence needs.

The final section of the book describes the ritual and religious transformations of To Pamona society. Kruyt, having realised the hopelessless of waiting for individual religious conversions, increasingly sought ways to involve the society as a whole. A major means of imposing church discipline (as happened over a long period in the history of the early church in Europe) was to lay claim to the authorisation of marriages. No marriages were to be recognised as valid unless they took place in church. An important means by which the superior status of elders was inscribed in traditional To Pamona society was their right to give 'advice' to the rest of the community, in many contexts including something as ordinary as the daily conclusion of the family mealtime. This fitted well with the importance ascribed to the 'Word' in Calvinist doctrine; the preaching of ministers and church elders has in a sense been grafted on to this already existing pattern, but in a way that has rendered the authority relationships inv olved more one-sided than they used to be.

Finally, the incorporation of feasting as an integral feature of numerous religious rituals today stands as one of the most intriguing aspects of social continuity in To Pamona society. Feasting, as Schrauwers points out, does not in itself carry a religious meaning, but its attachment to any occasion privileges that occasion as important, while requiring an acting-out of social relationships of hierarchy and cooperation. 'The church has grown and prospered', he concludes, 'because its incorporation of To Pamona "religion" simultaneously captured a kin-ordered social process' (p.187). As a result, To Pamona ethnic identity, as well as images of 'tradition', have been reconstrued in a distinctly modernist idiom -- a process which Schrauwers rightly suggests has parallels in other regions and religions of Indonesia. The book thus makes an important contribution not only to Sulawesi studies, but to our understandings of colonial and post-colonial social and religious transformations generally.

A concluding chapter points out the violent ups and downs of historical events over the past century that belie the idea of Central Sulawesi as an isolated backwater; as the author points out, 'almost every adult in Tentena had experienced personal loss through the ongoing eruptions of larger social movements into the highlands' (p. 227). The author had time, before the book went to press, to comment on the closure of the Suharto era, but not on the recent disastrous eruption of ethnic violence in and around Poso. Tentena, the focus of Schrauwers' fieldwork, is the origin-village of the now overwhelmingly Protestant To Pamona. This no doubt explains the ethnically unitary picture presented in the book. The author also discusses the troubled times of the 1950s when guerrillas of first the Darul Islam movement and then Permesta invaded the area. The newly independent Christian Church of Central Sulawesi consolidated itself, being the only organisation capable of fulfilling many administrative, political and soc ial functions in this chaotic period. Arguably, we could still use a fuller exploration of historical relations with nearby Muslim populations. As Schrauwers points out, an explicit aim of Dutch policy in encouraging missionisation, here as in other highland areas of the archipelago, was to provide a bulwark against the spread of Islamic influence. But to what extent have To Pamona themselves constructed an identity in opposition to a neighbouring Islamic Other? Brief mention is also made of the expropriation of To Pamona lands for New Order transmigration projects; in neighbouring areas of Central Sulawesi (perhaps here also?) voluntary migrations, too, have contributed to the development of a complex and fragmented ethnic distribution, leading to heightened competition over land and resources. Perhaps in future work the author will extend his insightful analyses to contribute to our understanding of recent ethnic polarisation in the Poso region.

Voices of Islam

The Sunday Post 10 June 07

Bridging the Ravine of Hate © Duncan Graham 2007
Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia.
Ed: Greg Fealy and Virginia Hooker
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore
540 pages

Let not your hatred of others cause you to act unjustly against them. The Koran.

Despite this injunction, a minority of Muslims believes they have divine licence to kill unbelievers. The hurt they've done has been far greater than the destruction of people and property within the blast zones of their evildoing.

Their actions have turned the West against Islam. Hatred has nurtured hatred to the point where a Christian political leader in Australia – once the Land of the Fair Go - is now calling for a ban on Muslim migrants and getting good support.

Many Muslims seem indifferent. Religion is not a popularity contest. Who cares what others think?

Anwar Ibrahim, former deputy prime minister of Malaysia, does: "Never in Islam's history have the actions of so few of its followers caused the religion and its community of believers to be such an abomination in the eyes of others."

Ibrahim's unequivocal condemnation is rare. The standard dismissal put forward by moderate Muslims and Western politicians keen to hose down sectarian rage is that the fundamentalists are fringe dwellers, unrepresentative of the majority.

Islam, the apologists say, means 'peace' and 'submission', while 'jihad' refers to the struggle within, not a holy war. Moslems are tolerant and compassionate, and can live alongside those of other faiths.

That reasoning is now running thin, for too many prominent Muslims are saying the opposite. When Australians think Islam, they see Indonesian cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, the alleged eminence grise of violent jihad. His views were broadcast on television and have been reproduced in this book:

"Allah has divided humanity into two segments, namely the followers of Allah and the followers of Satan …we would rather die than follow that which you worship. We do not want to cooperate … we reject all your beliefs, we reject all your ideologies, we reject all of your teachings that are associated with social issues, economics or beliefs.

"Between you and us there will forever be a ravine of hate and we will be enemies until you follow Allah's law."

Distressful – though allowable in a democracy. But there needs to be counter-views delivered by influential Muslims who are prepared to trash such gross intolerance with moral and theological force. Not too many find the courage, leaving the field to the loonies.

Faced with this sort of rhetoric, backed by media images of white-clad 'holy warriors' waving fists, shouting slogans and acting with impunity, no wonder shallow thinkers equate Islam with terror with Indonesia.

How can that 'ravine of hate' ever be bridged? Certainly not by bland words and soothing comments that are at odds with reality.

Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia doesn't go soft on the hard issues, as the quotes above show. Although it has been compiled from academic research backed by Australian government funds, this is not the transcript of a multi-faith love-in where handpicked moderates make motherhood statements, then pose for happy-snaps.

The subtitle is A Contemporary Sourcebook, so don't expect a cover-to-cover read. This isn't a Karen Armstrong history of the faith. It's a collection of texts (many little known or previously unavailable in English) with commentaries.

This is the volume to turn to when you need facts and opinions about Islam in this geographical area, and ideas to feed critical thinking. It's not for those concrete minds that already know that their way to salvation is the one and only path.

Although there are chapters on Cambodia, Vietnam and other countries in the region with Muslim populations, the emphasis is on Indonesia and Malaysia.

It's a book for those with a lust for learning, who want to hear all sides of an issue and who are fluent in English. It also has an excellent glossary, useful because so many terms are Arabic.

If you're looking for signs of hope – or words that bolster your prejudices - they're all here. The index has only two references to love, but many more to war and terror. Maybe an examination of Christian fundamentalism in the US would glean similar results.

The great issue in the 19th century was the separation of church and state, now a pillar of Western society. For those who can't understand why others would think differently, read Greg Fealy's chapter on Islam, State and Governance.

Gender issues are prominent in modern Western debate. For the reader seeking proof that Islam values men above women there's an excellent section by academic Sally White. This examines tracts – mostly written by men - on how women should behave and manage 'the harmonious family'.

But as the commentaries reveal, these proscriptions should be read against analyses of the texts that are used to uphold the oppression. The principal verse is 'men are the leaders of women' - but other translations aren't so rigid, claiming the critical word is ''maintainers'.

And even if 'leaders' remains, progressives argue it doesn't mean a man can regard housework as unimportant, for leadership includes 'love, protection, education, guidance and humane authority.'

So inevitably it all comes down to interpretation and the way we use the intellects God gave us. Religion defies easy understanding; it has multiple spokespeople, wise and unwise, offering infinite versions. It's unworthy of one-liners whether shouted by the self-styled Defenders of Islam or Christian Bible-thumping bigots.

Illustrating the complexity is a useful extract from an interview that goes to the heart of the matter.

It's between Terry Lane, a prominent Christian and one of Australian broadcasting's most perceptive journalists, and Zainah Anwar, from the Malaysian organization Sisters in Islam:

Lane: Do you mean that this (the Koran) is literally the revealed word of God?

Anwar: Yes, definitely.

Lane: You say 'Yes, definitely', but if I make a comparison between Islam and Christianity, Christianity only lost its ability to control the lives of women when that very notion of revealed truth was rejected.

Anwar: Well, you see there is a difference between what is revealed by God – and that is the words in the Qu'ran (Koran) that comes from God, … and what is human understanding of the word of God ... the human agency, the human intervention.

So coming full circle is the question – what human agency? The clerics (male) and the governments they influence. Indonesia is a highly religious society where regular public affirmations of faith are expected of politicians, and all citizens are required to follow an approved religion. Many find their identity through Islam.

The power of the clerics is obvious; alleged contraventions of the Constitution regarding the introduction of Sharia law in some districts have yet to be tackled by the national government. Law reforms proposed by leading Muslim women that will give women more freedom have not been introduced.

Though the insular graybeards still seem to control public debate on religion in Indonesia from their castles of dogma, other heads are now peeping above the parapet and from the pages of this book. They are brave indeed, risking the charge that they've been westernized.

Today that's a label almost as damning as the tag 'communist' used in the Soeharto era to crush dissent.

For all its faults the West is prepared to publish alternative views as Voices of Islam proves. Even Bali bomber Imam Samudra is given a good run and slanders himself neatly, proving there's no need to censor the extremists:

'I really am a troublesome demon who reeks of death. But don't misconstrue this; it doesn't mean that I'm an antichrist or paranoid. I'm just normal, you know.'

This book is a major and balanced contribution to the most important debate of our times. I hope it gets translated into Indonesian so it becomes more accessible.

Lebih dari 12 Juta Penduduk Indonesia Buta Aksara

Kompas, Selasa, 12 Juni 2007

http://www.kompas.com/kompas-cetak/0706/12/humaniora/3592262.htm

Jakarta, Kompas - Penduduk Indonesia berusia 15 tahun ke atas yang masih buta aksara pada tahun 2006 tercatat 12,8 juta orang. Dari jumlah itu, 68,5 persen adalah perempuan.

"Kendala utama untuk mengentaskan warga dari buta aksara antara lain faktor internal warga belajar, di mana 68 persen warga belajar telah berusia di atas 45 tahun dan ada hambatan kesehatan mata," kata Direktur Pendidikan Masyarakat Depdiknas Sudjarwo Singowidjojo, Senin (11/6) di Jakarta.

Kendala lain adalah faktor eksternal yang berkaitan dengan pengelola kegiatan pemberantasan buta aksara. Sebab, sangat susah mengumpulkan 10 warga belajar di satu tempat lantaran mereka berada di lokasi atau RW yang berjauhan. Persoalan transportasi menuju tempat belajar adalah salah satu kendala.

Sebanyak 12,8 juta warga yang buta aksara ini 81,3 persen di antaranya tersebar di 10 provinsi yang bisa disebut sebagai kantung-kantung buta aksara, yakni Jawa Timur, Jawa Tengah, Jawa Barat, Sulawesi Selatan, Nusa Tenggara Timur, Nusa Tenggara Barat, Papua, Banten, Bali, dan Lampung.

Bertepatan dengan Hari Aksara Internasional Ke-47, 8 September mendatang, upaya pemberantasan buta aksara alias buta huruf terus digalakkan. Juga digelar beberapa lomba terkait pendidikan keaksaraan. Keterangan lengkap bisa ke Subdit Pendidikan Keaksaraan Ditjen Pendidikan Luar Sekolah, Depdiknas, Gedung E Lantai VI, Jalan Jenderal Sudirman, Senayan, Jakarta. (LOK)

Leadership, Party and Religion : Explaning Voting Behavior In Idonesia

Dr. Saiful Mujani & Prof. William Liddle

ABSTRACT:

This case study tests the significance of leadership, party ID, religious orientation, political economy, sociological and demographic factors in the legislative and presidential choices of voters in the new Indonesian democracy. Data were obtained from four national opinion surveys conducted by the authors following Parliamentary elections in 1999 and 2004 and the two-round presidential election in 2004. Bivariate and multivariate analyses of our data confirm the significance of leadership and party ID and the non-significance for the most part of other variables tested, including religious orientation, long the most popular explanation for the Indonesian case.

Download:
LEADERSHIP, PARTY AND RELIGION-cps_final.pdf

Modernity and the Mobile Phone: Exploring Tensions about Dating and Sex in Indonesia

Lee Humphreys and Thomas Barker

M/C Journal, 10 (1/Mar 2007)
http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/06-humphreys-barker.php

• Respond to this Article
• Volume 10
• Issue 1
• Mar. 2007

Introduction

1 As the country with the fifth largest population in the world, Indonesia is a massive potential market for mobile technology adoption and development. Despite an annual per capita income of only $1,280 USD (World Bank), there are 63 million mobile phone users in Indonesia (Suhartono, sec. 1.7) and it is predicted to reach 80 million in 2007 (Jakarta Post 1). Mobile phones are not only a symbol of Indonesian modernity (Barendregt 5), but like other communication technology can become a platform through which to explore socio-political issues (Winner 28).

2 In this article we explore the role mobile phone technology in contemporary forms of social, intimate, and sexual relationships in Indonesia. We argue that new forms of expression and relations are facilitated by the particular features of mobile technology. We discuss two cases from contemporary Indonesia: a mobile dating service (BEDD) and mobile phone pornography. For each case study, we first discuss the socio-political background in Indonesia, then describe the technological affordances of the mobile phone which facilitate dating and pornography, and finally give examples of how the mobile phone is effecting change in dating and pornographic practices.

3 This study is placed at a time when social relations, intimacy, and sexuality in Indonesia have become central public issues. Since the end of the New Order whilst many people have embraced the new freedoms of reformasi and democratization, there is also a high degree of social anxiety, tension and uncertainty (Juliastuti 139-40). These social changes and desires have played out in the formations of new and exciting modes of creativity, solidarity, and sociality (Heryanto and Hadiz 262) and equally violence, terror and criminality (Heryanto and Hadiz 256). The diverse and plural nature of Indonesian society is alive with a myriad of people and activities, and it is into this diverse social body that the mobile phone has become a central and prominent feature of interaction.

4 The focus of our study is dating and pornography as mediated by the mobile phone; however, we do not suggest that these are new experiences in Indonesia. Rather over the last decade social, intimate, and sexual relationships have all been undergoing change and their motivations can be traced to a variety of sources including the factors of globalization, democratization and modernization. Throughout Asia "new media have become a crucial site for constituting new Asian sexual identities and communities" (Berry, Martin, and Yue 13) as people are connecting through new communication technologies. In this article we suggest that mobile phone technology opens new possibilities and introduces new channels, dynamics, and intensities of social interaction.

5 Mobile phones are particularly powerful communication tools because of their mobility, accessibility, and convergence (Ling 16-19; Ito 14-15; Katz and Aakhus 303). These characteristics of mobile phones do not in and of themselves bring about any particular changes in dating and pornography, but they may facilitate changes already underway (Barendegt 7-9; Barker 9).

Mobile Dating

Background

6 The majority of Indonesians in the 1960s and 1970s had arranged marriages (Smith-Hefner 443). Education reform during the 70s and 80s encouraged more women to attain an education which in turn led to the delaying of marriage and the changing of courtship practices (Smith-Hefner 450). "Compared to previous generations, [younger Indonesians] are freer to mix with the opposite sex and to choose their own marriage," (Utomo 225). Modern courtship in Java is characterized by "self-initiated romance" and dating (Smith-Hefner 451). Mobile technology is beginning to play a role in initiating romance between young Indonesians.

Technology

7 One mobile matching or dating service available in Indonesia is called BEDD (www.bedd.com). BEDD is a free software for mobile phones in which users fill out a profile about themselves and can meet BEDD members who are within 20-30 feet using a Bluetooth connection on their mobile devices. BEDD members' phones automatically exchange profile information so that users can easily meet new people who match their profile requests. BEDD calls itself mobile social networking community; "BEDD is a new Bluetooth enabled mobile social medium that allows people to meet, interact and communicate in a new way by letting their mobile phones do all the work as they go throughout their day." As part of a larger project on mobile social networking (Humphreys 6), a field study was conducted of BEDD users in Jakarta, Indonesia and Singapore (where BEDD is based) in early 2006. In-depth interviews and open-ended user surveys were conducted with users, BEDD's CEO and strategic partners in order to understand the social uses and effects BEDD.

8 The majority of BEDD members (which topped 100,000 in January 2006) are in Indonesia thanks to a partnership with Nokia where BEDD came pre-installed on several phone models. In management interviews, both BEDD and Nokia explained that they partnered because both companies want to help "build community". They felt that Bluetooth technology such as BEDD could be used to help youth meet new people and keep in touch with old friends.

Examples

9 One of BEDD's functions is to help lower barriers to social interaction in public spaces. By sharing profile information and allowing for free text messaging, BEDD can facilitate conversations between BEDD members. According to users, mediating the initial conversation also helps to alleviate social anxiety, which often accompanies meeting new people. While social mingling and hanging out between Jakarta teenagers is a relatively common practice, one user said that BEDD provides a new and fun way to meet and flirt. In a society that must balance between an "idealized morality" and an increasingly sexualized popular culture (Utomo 226), BEDD provides a modern mode of self-initiated matchmaking.

10 While BEDD was originally intended to aid in the matchmaking process of dating, it has been appropriated into everyday life in Indonesia because of its interpretive flexibility (Pinch & Bjiker 27). Though BEDD is certainly used to meet "beautiful girls" (according to one Indonesian male user), it is also commonly used to text message old friends. One member said he uses BEDD to text his friends in class when the lecture gets boring. BEDD appears to be a helpful modern communication tool when people are physically proximate but cannot easily talk to one another. BEDD can become a covert way to exchange messages with people nearby for free.

11 Another potential explanation for BEDD's increasing popularity is its ability to allow users to have private conversations in public space. Bennett notes that courtship in private spaces is seen as dangerous because it may lead to sexual impropriety (154). Dating and courtship in public spaces are seen as safer, particularly for conserving the reputation young Indonesian women. Therefore Bluetooth connections via mobile technologies can be a tool to make private social connections between young men and women "safer". Bluetooth communication via mobile phones has also become prevalent in more conservative Muslim societies (Sullivan, par. 7; Braude, par. 3). There are, however, safety concerns about meeting strangers in public spaces. When asked, "What advice would you give a first time BEDD user?" one respondent answered, "harus bisa mnilai seseorang krn itu sangat penting, kita mnilai seseorang bukan cuma dari luarnya" (translated: be careful in evaluating (new) people, and don't ever judge the book by its cover"). Nevertheless, only one person participating in this study mentioned this concern. To some degree meeting someone in a public may be safer than meeting someone in an online environment. Not only are there other people around in public spaces to physically observe, but co-location means there may be some accountability for how BEDD members present themselves.

12 The development and adoption of matchmaking services such as BEDD suggests that the role of the mobile phone in Indonesia is not just to communicate with friends and family but to act as a modern social networking tool as well. For young Indonesians BEDD can facilitate the transfer of social information so as to encourage the development of new social ties. That said, there is still debate about exactly whom BEDD is connecting and for what purposes. On one hand, BEDD could help build community in Indonesia. One the other hand, because of its privacy it could become a tool for more promiscuous activities (Bennett 154-5). There are user profiles to suggest that people are using BEDD for both purposes. For example, note what four young women in Jakarta wrote in the BEDD profiles:

13

Personal Description Looking For
I am a good prayer, recite the holy book,
love saving (money), love cycling… and a bit narcist. Meaning of life
Ordinary gurl, good student, single, Owen
lover, and the rest is up to you to judge. Phrenz ?! Peace?! Wondeful life!
I am talkative, have no patience but so
sweet. I am so girly, narcist, shy and love cute guys. Check my fs
(Friendster) account if you're so curious. Well, I am just an ordinary girl
tho. Anybody who wants to know me. A boy
friend would be welcomed.
Play Station addict—can't live without
it! I am a rebel, love rock, love hiphop, naughty, if you want proof dial
081********* phrenz n cute guyz

14 As these profiles suggest, the technology can be used to send different kinds of messages. The mobile phone and the BEDD software merely facilitate the process of social exchange, but what Indonesians use it for is up to them. Thus BEDD and the mobile phone become tools through which Indonesians can explore their identities. BEDD can be used in a variety of social and communicative contexts to allow users to explore their modern, social freedoms.

Mobile Pornography

Background

15 Mobile phone pornography builds on a long tradition of pornography and sexually explicit material in Indonesia through the use of a new technology for an old art and product. Indonesia has a rich sexual history with a documented and prevalent sex industry (Suryakusuma 115). Lesmana suggests that the country has a tenuous pornographic industry prone to censorship and nationalist politics intent on its destruction. Since the end of the New Order and opening of press freedoms there has been a proliferation in published material including a mushrooming of tabloids, men's magazines such as FHM, Maxim and Playboy, which are often regarded as pornographic. This is attributed to the decline of the power of the bureaucracy and government and the new role of capital in the formation of culture (Chua 16). There is a parallel pornography industry, however, that is more amateur, local, and homemade (Barker 6). It is into this range of material that mobile phone pornography falls.

16 Amongst the myriad forms of pornography and sexually explicit material available in Indonesia, the mobile phone in recent years has emerged as a new platform for production, distribution, and consumption. This section will not deal with the ethics of representation nor engage with the debate about definitions and the rights and wrongs of pornography. Instead what will be shown is how the mobile phone can be and has been used as an instrument/medium for the production and consumption of pornography within contemporary social relationships.

Technology

17 There are several technological features of the mobile phone that make pornography possible. As has already been noted the mobile phone has had a large adoption rate in Indonesia, and increasingly these phones come equipped with cameras and the ability to send data via MMS and Bluetooth. Coupled with the mobility of the phone, the convergence of technology in the mobile phone makes it possible for pornography to be produced and consumed in a different way than what has been possible before. It is only recently that the mobile phone has been marketed as a video camera with the release of the Nokia N90; however, quality and recording time are severely limited. Still, the mobile phone is a convenient and at-hand tool for the production and consumption of individually made, local, and non-professional pieces of porn, sex and sexuality.

18 It is impossible to know how many such films are in circulation. A number of websites that offer these films for downloads host between 50 and 100 clips in .3gp file format, with probably more in actual circulation. At the very least, this is a tenfold increase in number compared to the recent emergence of non-professional VCD films (Barker 3). This must in part be attributed to the advantages that the mobile phone has over standard video cameras including cost, mobility, convergence, and the absence of intervening data processing and disc production.

Examples

19 There are various examples of mobile pornography in Indonesia. These range from the pornographic text message sent between lovers to the mobile phone video of explicit sexual acts (Barendregt 14-5). The mobile phone affords privacy for the production and exchange of pornographic messages and media. Because mobile devices are individually owned, however, pornographic material found on mobile phones can be directly tied to the individual owners. For example, police in Kotabaru inspected the phones of high school students in search of pornographic materials and arrested those individuals on whose phones it was found (Barendregt 18).

20 Mobile phone pornography became a national political issue in 2006 when an explicit one-minute clip of a singer and an Indonesian politician became public. Videoed in 2004, the clip shows Maria Eva, a 27 year-old dangdut singer (see Browne, 25-6) and Yahya Zaini, a married 42 year-old who was head of religious affairs for the Golkar political party. Their three-year affair ended in 2005, but the film did not become public until 2006. It spread like wildfire between phones and across the internet, however, and put an otherwise secret relationship into the limelight.

21 These types of affairs and relationships were common knowledge to people through gossip, exposes such as Jakarta Undercover (Emka 93-108) and stories in tabloids; yet this culture of adultery and prostitution continued and remained anonymous because of bureaucratic control of evidence and information (Suryakusuma 115). In this case, however, the filming of Maria Eva once public proves the identities of those involved and their infidelity. As a result of the scandal it was further revealed that Maria Eva had been forced by Yayha Zaini and his wife to have an abortion, deepening the moral crisis. Yahya Zaini later resigned as his party's head of Religious Affairs (Asmarani, sec. 1-2), due to what was called the country's "first real sex scandal" (Naughton, par. 2).

22 As these examples show, there are definite risks and consequences involved in the production of mobile pornography. Even messages/media that are meant to be shared between two consenting individuals can eventually make their way into the public mobile realm and have serious consequences for those involved. Mobile video and photography does, however, represent a potential new check on the Indonesian bureaucratic elite which has not been previously available by other means such as a watchdog media. "The role of the press as a control mechanism is practically nonexistent [in Jakarta], which in effect protects corruption, nepotism, financial manipulation, social injustice, and repression, as well as the murky sexual life of the bureaucratic power elite," (Suryakusuma 117). Thus while originally a mobile video may have been created for personal pleasure, through its mass dissemination via new media it can become a means of sousveillance (Mann, Nolan and Wellman 332-3) whereby the control of surveillance is flipped to reveal the often hidden abuses of power by officials.

23 Whilst the debates over pornography in Indonesia tend to focus on the moral aspects of it, the broader social impacts of technology on relationships are often ignored. Issues related to power relations or even media as cultural expression are often disregarded as moral judgments cast a heavy shadow over discussions of locally produced Indonesian mobile pornography. It is possible to move beyond the moral critique of pornographic media to explore the social significance of its proliferation as a cultural product.

Conclusion

24 In these two case studies we have tried to show how the mobile phone in Indonesia has become a mode of interaction but also a platform through which to explore other current issues and debates related to dating, sexuality and media. Since 1998 and the fall of the New Order, Indonesia has been struggling with blending old and new, a desire of change and nostalgia for past, and popular desire for a "New Indonesia" (Heryanto, sec. Post-1998). Cultural products within Indonesia have played an important role in exploring these issues. The mobile phone in Indonesia is not just a technology, but also a product in and through which these desires are played out. Changes in dating and pornography practices have been occurring in Indonesia for some time. As people use mobile technology to produce, communicate, and consume, the device becomes intricately related to identity struggle and cultural production within Indonesia.

25 It is important to keep in mind, however, that while mobile technology adoption within Indonesia is growing, it is still limited to a particular subset of the population. As has been previously observed (Barendregt 3), it is wealthier, young people in urban areas who are most intensely involved in mobile technology. As handset prices decrease and availability in rural areas increases, however, no longer will mobile technology be so demographically confined in Indonesia.

26 The convergent technology of the mobile phone opens many possibilities for creative adoption and usage. As a communication device it allows for the creation, sharing, and viewing of messages. Therefore, the technology itself facilitates social connections and networking. As demonstrated in the cases of dating and pornography, the mobile phone is both a tool for meeting new people and disseminating sexual messages/media because it is a networked technology. The mobile phone is not fundamentally changing dating and pornography practices, but it is accelerating social and cultural trends already underway in Indonesia by facilitating the exchange and dissemination of messages and media. As these case studies show, what kinds of messages Indonesians choose to create and share are up to them. The same device can be used for relatively innocuous behavior as well as more controversial behavior. With increased adoption in Indonesia, the mobile will continue to be a lens through which to further explore modern socio-political issues.

References

• Asmarani, Devi. "Indonesia: Top Golkar Official Quits over Sex Video." The Straits Times 6 Dec. 2006.
• Barendregt, Bart. "Between M-Governance and Mobile Anarchies: Pornoaksi and the Fear of New Media in Present Day Indonesia." European Association of Social Anthropologists Media Anthropology Network e-Seminar Series, 2006.
• Barker, Thomas. "VCD Pornography of Indonesia." Asian Studies Association of Australia, Wollongong, 2006.
• BEDD Press Release. "World's First Mobile Communities Software Is Bringing People Together in Singapore." 8 June 2004.
• Bennett, Linda Rae. Women, Islam and Modernity: Single Women, Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Contemporary Indonesia. London: Routledge Curzon, 2005.
• Berry, Chris, Fran Martin, and Audrey Yue, eds. Mobile Cultures: New Media in Queer Asia. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2003.
• Braude, Joseph. "How Bluetooth Helps Young Kuwaitis Get It On." The New Republic Online 14 Sep. 2006.
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Citation reference for this article

MLA Style

• Humphreys, Lee, and Thomas Barker. "Modernity and the Mobile Phone: Exploring Tensions about Dating and Sex in Indonesia." M/C Journal 10.1 (2007). 11 Jun. 2007 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/06-humphreys-barker.php>.

APA Style

• Humphreys, L., and T. Barker. (Mar. 2007) "Modernity and the Mobile Phone: Exploring Tensions about Dating and Sex in Indonesia," M/C Journal, 10(1). Retrieved 11 Jun. 2007 from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/06-humphreys-barker.php>.

Rocks & Hard Places - Kekeraskepalaan Moody

Awicaks


Jika ada orang yang paling keras kepala, teguh berpegang kepada keyakinannya tentang beringas, keji dan bobroknya rejim ekonomi-politik global dalam bentuk yang paling kongkret, yakni industri ekstraktif, dia lah Roger Moody. Moody, pendiri dan Direktur Eksekutif People Against RTZ and its Subsidiaries (PARTiZANS), secara khusus membaktikan hidupnya untuk melawan perusahaan tambang yang menurutnya paling menggurita, hadir di semua tempat yang memiliki catatan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia (HAM) paling buruk, dan menanam uang mereka di negara-negara yang otoriter, korup dan dikendalikan oleh militer, yakni Kelompok Usaha Rio Tinto (RTZ).

Bagi Moody perangkat pemantauan indikator pencemaran lingkungan yang paling canggih sekali pun tidak akan ada artinya ketika berhadapan dengan sektor industri keruk atau ekstraktif, karena keseluruhan proses industri ini memiliki kemampuan memerosotkan mutu lingkungan dan kehidupan di sekitar wilayah operasinya hingga mampu menjangkau jarak ratusan kilometer dibantu lewat sistem hidro-orologi (tata-air).

Moody juga menulis buku berjudul The Gulliver Files, sebuah catatan panjang dan melelahkan tentang kegiatan-kegiatan industri ekstraktif di seluruh dunia. Salah satu buku yang ditulis Moody dan "dipersembahkan" secara khusus kepada RTZ berjudul Plunder! yang menjejaki sejarah RTZ dan seluruh turunannya di negara-negara Sabuk Pasifik, Afrika, Amerika dan Eropa. Jika Anda memutuskan membaca buku Moody, persiapkan mental dan waktu sebaik-baiknya. Moody akan memaparkan fakta dan telaah faktual yang akan membuat jantung Anda berdebar, tanpa harus terjebak dengan gaya penulisan berorientasi konspiratif.

Dalam buku anyarnya, Rocks & Hard Places, sekali lagi Moody membongkar daya jangkau dan jelajah tentakel modal dan kuasa RTZ ke berbagai operasi industri ekstraktif di dunia. Moody juga memaparkan rintisan RTZ yang kemudian dijadikan model perluasan dan perambahan industri ekstraktif ke kawasan-kawasan yang seharusnya dilindungi, karena menjadi penopang kehidupan manusia dan mahluk hidup lain sebagai satu kesatuan sistem ekologi setempat. Secara gamblang Moody menggambarkan bagaimana modus operandi sektor ekstraktif dalam merusak dan menghancurkan tatanan kehidupan di lingkar wilayah operasinya. Yang tak kalah penting dari Rocks & Hard Places adalah upaya Moody memblejeti (dismantling) siasat-siasat RTZ lewat pencitraan korporasi, dan legitimasi yang diperoleh dari kerjasamanya dengan organisasi-organisasi perlindungan lingkungan hidup kelas dunia.

Buku ini layak dibaca bukan saja oleh aktivis gerakan lingkungan hidup, tetapi juga para peneliti dan pengamat dinamika ekonomi-politik dunia, pembuat kebijakan di negara-negara kayak sumber-sumber mineral, serta para insan media dan pers. Membaca buku ini memaksa kita untuk terus bertahan hingga kelelahan, karena saratnya data serta telaah-telaah yang tajam, yang tak menyisakan ruang bagi perdebatan tak perlu.

3 Juni 2007

Who should own Indonesia's forests?

Awicaks

Bukan 'uncertain tenurial arrangement' seharusnya yang digunakan oleh penulis, tetapi sistem tenurial yang tak jelas, saling bertumbukkan dengan realita sosial masyarakat Indonesia.

clipped from www.csis.or.id By Raymond Atje and Kurnya Roesad February 3, 2004 The existing economic incentive regime was one main factor behind high deforestation rates in Indonesia. Government intervention to push for the expansion wood processing industries resulted in unsustainable resource use patterns. Uncertain tenurial arrangements and property rights, unenforceable contractual obligations and weak monitoring and enforcement by the government exacerbated the situation. Indonesia's existing forest management system does not provide efficient structures of control rights to any of the sector's many stakeholders. The lack of well-defined property rights has prevented various stakeholders from trading their control rights so as to improve the efficiency of the management. Future economic research on forestry issues in Indonesia could therefore highlight the importance of secure property and ownership rights in any strategies to implement sustainable forestry management.

Policy and regulatory developments in the forestry sector since 1967

Awicaks

No further comments. Intinya sama dengan makalah terdahulu. Kepatuhan rejim ekonomi-politik Indonesia kepada ekonomi neoklasik.

clipped from www.csis.or.id By Linda Christanty and Raymond Atje February 4, 2004 This paper, as its title suggests, discusses policy and regulatory development in the forestry sector in Indonesia for a period of more than 30 years. During this period the forestry sector has experienced a lot of changes. It has contributed significantly to the country's economic development, especially during the later years prior to the crisis. At the onset of the crisis forestry-related activities, including plantations, were among the main producers of exported goods. This development was partly a result of various policies and regulations introduced during the period under consideration.

Ikhtisar - Economic crisis and trade liberalization: A CGE analysis on the forestry sector

Awicaks

Sektor kehutanan adalah sektor yang dipelihara oleh lembaga-lembaga keuangan internasional (international financial institutions, IFIs) mengingat pentingnya peran sektor ini dalam memastikan dikuasainya lahan produktif oleh Negara untuk kepentingan investasi.

clipped from www.csis.or.id By Tubagus Feridhanusetyawan and Yose Rizal Damuri February 6, 2004 This paper uses simulations based on a GTAP model to reproduce the economic crisis in Southeast Asia, and in particular in Indonesia. The model is a static-real sector model, so the focus of the simulation is on the declining investment and the declining prices of non-traded goods during the crisis. The simulation is conducted by creating an exogenous shock on risk premium in Indonesia, Thailand and Malaysia, which leads to smaller allocation of regional investment in these countries, lower stock of capital goods, and lower production. The second shock, which is the declining price of land and natural resource, opens the possibility of resource allocation between sectors in the economy. Economic crisis and trade liberalization: A CGE analysis on the forestry sector

Ikhtisar - Poverty targetting in Indonesia:Programs, problems and lessons learned

Awicaks

Kemiskinan, kriminalitas dan ketimpangan serta kelas menengah adalah anak kandung dari ekonomi neo-klasik. Ia bukan peristiwa alam, tapi buah dari satu pilihan.

clipped from www.csis.or.id By Ari A. Perdana and John Maxwell March 1, 2004 This paper presents a discussion on some poverty alleviation programs that are specifically targeted to the poor. The programs covered in this paper are: Inpres Desa Tertinggal (IDT), Padat Karya (Employment), Food Security, Education and Health component of the post-crisis Social Safety Net package. Brief assessments of the programs show that the targeting of poverty alleviation programs in Indonesia has been a difficult and frustrating process for central government planners attempting to allocate scarce budgetary resources as efficiently and effectively as possible. Although poor families did benefit to a certain degree, all the programs that we have considered have suffered from two common problems: under-coverage and leakage. The paper concludes that the effectiveness of various poverty-targeted program in Indonesia are determined by, among other things, the type of targeting, administrative capacity, program design and publicity, and the quality of monitoring.

Ikhtisar - Kebijakan persaingan, daya saing, liberalisasi, globalisasi, regionalisasi dan semua itu

Awicaks

Membaca artikel Hadi Soesastro (CSIS) memperkuat pandangan saya bahwa negeri ini memang dipersiapkan menjadi captive market (pasar terpasang) sekaligus wilayah keruk untuk bahan mentah bagi industri negara-negara Utara.

clipped from www.csis.or.id By Hadi Soesastro March 1, 2004 Tulisan ini menelusuri perkembangan proses liberalisasi Indonesia serta kontribusinya dalam meningkatkan daya saing industri-industri dalam negeri. Liberalisasi tersebut dilakukan dalam beberapa front, baik secara unilateral, multilateral dalam WTO, maupun regional melalui APEC maupun AFTA. Pasca-krisis di Asia pada 1997, liberalisasi regional terhambat kecenderungan dalam negeri beberapa negara di Asia Tenggara untuk kembali menutup diri. Namun, Bali Concord II pada 2003 lalu kembali menegaskan komitmen meneruskan integrasi pasar di Asia, yang serta merta akan mendorong kelanjutan proses liberalisasi di Indonesia. Namun proses ini akan sangat tergantung dari perilaku dan upaya sejumlah lembaga-lembaga ekonomi penting di Indonesia. Kebijakan persaingan, daya saing, liberalisasi, globalisasi, regionalisasi dan semua itu